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REPORTS |
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Chapter 1: GROWING SPACE, SHRINKING FREEDOMS |
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Killed in the Line of Duty |
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Dangerous Territory for Journalists |
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The Force of Law against Media |
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No moment has been dull this past year for the media in Pakistan , the gains and losses being dramatic in equal measures. Even as space for media grew by leaps and bounds – largely in the broadcast realm – so did attacks and intimidation, both in the print and electronic sectors, shrinking media freedoms for its practitioners. The paradox of a larger media canvas but fewer colors is a reflection of the ideological battle in Pakistan between conservative Islamist parties and the government agenda of enlightened moderation on the one side and the constant tug of war for freedom of expression and access to information between the media and civil society and the government on the other. |
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Even as a dozen new private FM radio stations and half a dozen independent television channels began operations – several of them focusing on news-based programming for an information-starved country, thereby expanding the space for free media – Pakistani journalists can be excused for their sense of deja vu as an all too familiar pattern unfolded for yet another year: murder, terrorism, kidnapping, physical assault, imprisonment, torture, trial in courts, news blackouts, policy coercion, censorship and banning of publications. |
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Several uncomfortable patterns have crystallized as far as the attacks and intimidation of media in Pakistan went in the past 12 months. For instance, more journalists and media organizations were attacked and intimidated this year (May 3, 2004 to May 3, 2005 ) – at least 120 journalists – than the previous year (May 3, 2003 to May 3, 2004 ) – about 70. The worst case was that of two journalists killed in cold blood by unidentified people as the journalists reported the military operations in the Tribal Areas bordering Afghanistan . This makes Pakistan only one of a handful of countries in the world where journalists were killed in the period under review. |
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The statistics of shame include at least two journalists killed, at least 26 injured in assaults including a female reporter, the house of one was bombed, one was kidnapped and beaten, one was placed under house arrest to prevent him from covering an event the government was edgy about and one got a threatening visit from intelligence agents at his home (the second year running for the same journalist). Well over 100 journalists were coercively prevented from coverage of arrival from abroad of two major opposition leaders in two separate events, both centred round the Lahore airport. |
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The range of intimidation of media varied from attacks at the office, in the field and in at least two instances even at home. The growing variety of identified intimidators of the media was also troubling: the government, military, police, intelligence agencies, religious groups and even political parties getting into the act. In some cases the identity of attackers also worryingly remains a mystery. |
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The targets of the media intimidation expanded from last year's list of newspapers, journalists, freelancers and television stations to include independent radio this year while censorship took its familiar forms of press advice from the government, banning of publications, ban on government advertising for newspapers and in selective instances controlling or regulating content such as forcing off an exiled opposition leader's interview on a private television channel and preventing re-broadcasts of news bulletins on a radio station. |
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The intimidation from various sectors, primarily the government but also private players, unhappy with media freedoms was aimed at obstructing coverage of public events and corruption and abuse of power by public servants. Instances include aggressively preventing coverage of public activities by opposition parties and preventing making parts of the tribal areas where the military was engaged in operations against terrorists de facto no-go areas for journalists. |
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Ominously, even as government functionaries including President General Pervez Musharraf, Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz and Information Minister Sheikh Rashid Ahmed regularly highlighted granting licenses to more and more private radio and television channels, some media laws were toughened up designed to make life difficult for media practitioners. Penalties in the defamation law, for instance, were raised drastically designed to force journalists to impose varying degrees of self censorship. Similarly, an amendment bill was tabled in the parliament that introduces unprecedented powers to police to arrest journalists/broadcasters without warrant besides giving to the government greater control of the regulatory authority. |
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While private media operators in Pakistan bring pluralism to the communications spectrum, the role of the state owned media continues to leave a lot to be desired. An informed citizenry is only possible with unrestricted information flows in languages it understands and content that is relevant to the people's lives. Sadly, both the state broadcasters – Pakistan Television and Radio Pakistan – are known more for what they don't tell you than what they do. Both continue to drag their feet on reforms to fulfil its public service obligations. These organizations continued to act as a propaganda tool of the government, distorting the competitive environment in media industry by exercising their monopoly in terrestrial and national radio frequency fields. The state broadcasters continue their glaring blackouts of main opposition parties and leaders, giving a twisted and lopsided coverage of parliamentary proceedings, which are not open for coverage to private electronic media. |
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One of the government's biggest boast this past year has been about how it has liberated the media and is increasing the space for media by issuing radio and television licenses, thereby encouraging democracy and dialogue. The brag is not misplaced; the government deserves all credit for opening up the media. But the issue here is not whether there is freedom of expression in the country now or not – even in the darkest times in Pakistan such as those under another military ruler General Ziaul Haq's, the private press was one of Pakistan 's few saving graces – but whether it is enough. |
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Consider: The state broadcasters have terrestrial licenses, universal outreach to audiences and no independent regulation. The private broadcasters on the other hand, are not allowed to have terrestrial operation thereby drastically restricting access to audiences through a medium such as a decoder or cable system and are regulated by the government under stringent laws. The government claims that the opening up of the media is a manifestation of enlightened moderation. If that is indeed the case, then why keep a majority of the population a captive audience? Why not create a level playing field and give all broadcasters in the country, private and public, universal access to all citizens? With these glaring distortions in the media law policy framework, media freedoms in Pakistan continue to shrink even as the space for media grows. |
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Killed in the Line of Duty |
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Dangerous Territory for Journalists |
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The Force of Law against Media |
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